Conflict
The links between armed conflict and truth are impossible to ignore: the ways war is waged, justified and resolved are subject to certain understandings of both the past and present. Moreover, resolving armed conflict demands an engagement with the past to understand its root causes and drivers. Cycles of violence are sustained in part by the refusal of communities, armed groups or political elites to accept the truths of past and ongoing conflict. They are also sustained by impunity for those who have benefited from and driven atrocities. In this sense, truth, memory, justice and education can serve as either mitigators or amplifiers of conflict, as conflict interrupts and intensifies the need for truth, justice, memory and education.
Recent Developments
In 2022, fatalities from conflict “increased by a staggering 97%, compared to the previous year, from 120,000 in 2021 to 237,000 in 2022, making 2022 the deadliest since the Rwandan genocide in 1994.”[i] A total of 33 active conflicts[1] were reported in 2022, with most in Africa (16) and Asia (nine), followed by the Middle East (five), Europe (two) and the Americas (one).[ii] Data for 2022[2] shows that civilian casualties from ground fighting, air-launched attacks and improvised explosive devices soared by 83 percent from 2021, largely because of the war in Ukraine.[iii] Trends show a significant increase in intrastate conflicts over the last decade.[iv] The vast majority of conflicts—27 cases, or 85 percent of the total—were internationalized internal armed conflicts.[3]
Violence short of armed conflict has surged as governments violently repress peaceful popular demonstrations in contexts as diverse as Iran, Myanmar, Venezuela and Sudan. Such violence also occurs in contested territories, as in the Israel-Palestine conflict, and in democracies at moments of great political instability, as in Peru, where at least 40 people died when police violently repressed protests against Congress’s removal of the democratically elected president in December 2022.[v]
The impacts of armed conflict are numerous and devastating at personal, community, national and international levels. In addition to death and physical injury, victims and communities are seriously affected by psychological trauma, torture, disappearances, sexual violence and the destruction of homes, schools, markets, hospitals, religious institutions and other essential civil infrastructure, such as drinking water and electricity systems.[vi] Armed conflicts continue to be the main driver of humanitarian need globally, with 274 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in 2022.[vii] This was a significant increase over the previous year, which was itself the highest in decades.[viii] Children face particular challenges in armed conflict, including forced recruitment, denial of access to humanitarian aid, kidnapping and sexual violence and lack of access to education.[ix] The use of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) against civilians by state and non-state armed actors, and especially against women and girls, is seen in almost all contexts of armed conflict. In its 2021 and 2022 reports, the UN documented sexual violence used as a weapon of war in the Tigray region in Cameroon, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Libya, Mali, South Sudan, Sudan, Syria and Yemen.[x]
Forced displacement, both internally and across international borders, occurred at record levels in 2022, with more than 108 million people forcibly displaced worldwide by the end of 2022.[xi] The escalation of violence and hostilities in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Mozambique, South Sudan, Ukraine and countries in the Sahel region led to significant new forced displacement in 2021 and 2022. Seventy-two percent of refugees came from just five countries: Afghanistan (2.8 million), South Sudan (2.4 million), Syria (6.8 million), Venezuela (5.6 million) and Ukraine (5.4 million).[xii].
Memory
Conflict and memory are interwoven. Individuals and communities are deeply marked by the harm they experience during conflict. Whether those experiences are acknowledged or disregarded shapes the willingness of those affected to make either peace or engage in further violence. Combatant parties, spoilers, peacebuilders, reformists and political elites all use and manipulate memory to frame the past in ways that favor their preferred future policy landscape. Memory can be weaponized, for instance, by those seeking to advance conflict, rehashing long-standing grievances and resentments.[i] Memory can also advance conflict resolution processes where societies and communities acknowledge what happened in the past and frame healing policies that address the drivers of violence.[ii]
Governments frequently try to control access to historical documents and records, or to shape the expression of historical memory into narratives favorable to the current political elite. In Myanmar, for example, the military government has blocked efforts to memorialize the massacre and forced displacement of the Rohingya people, which is not only an extension of the violations individuals and communities suffered but also contributes to an ongoing denial of their very existence as an ethnic minority in the country. In China, reeducation and propaganda programs seek to present the detention and genocide of Uyghur communities and other ethnic minorities through a lens favorable to the central state narrative.[1] In Sri Lanka, the Tamil population is denied the right to mourn their dead and, in many cases, access to their loved ones’ remains, while the acts of the military during the conflict have been valorized through numerous public memorials.[2]
Where governments repress or seek to control memory, civil society has often stepped in to document and tell a more holistic truth about both the past and present. For example, civil society groups in Afghanistan, Colombia and Sri Lanka have built online museums, archival projects and exhibitions with support from local and international non-governmental and multilateral organizations. In Sudan and Tunisia, civil society has used statues and monuments, graffiti, murals and online communities to memorialize those who were killed, injured or disappeared in popular movements. Although informal in nature, they represent an integral part of coming to terms with the past, publicly recognizing victims, providing a more nuanced version of the state-sponsored truth and contributing to broader healing and justice processes. In Venezuela, CSOs have documented state violence through written reports such as Voices Under Repression,[iii] which tells the stories of 10 young people who were extrajudicially executed by the state. Increasingly, civil society and exiled diaspora are innovating new ways to uphold memory, meeting demands for truth-telling where the state is unwilling to do so, or pushing the state to act where there is limited political will.
Memory is frequently contested, especially where political actors seek to use disinformation and tailored narratives to advance a political agenda. In the United States, for example, efforts to confront the country’s history of systemic racism and recognize those who still fall victim to it have been met with a concerted political effort to deny and restrict truth-telling. Rigorous efforts across multiple spaces are needed to support government-led and civil society initiatives in creating and maintaining both formal and informal truth processes.
Documentation and archiving are important for memorialization and have proven critical to justice advocacy as well. In Syria, despite significant risks, civil society collected data on violations committed during the conflict and used innovative means to memorialize victims in their search for accountability.[iv] Exhibits of the leaked “Caesar photos” depicting torture victims of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, online and around the world, are both a means of revealing the truth and evidence for future accountability and justice processes.[v] Civil society groups documenting violations in Ukraine have used witness statements and a range of technologies to supplement the International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation in to the alleged crimes committed, determinations by the United States government that Russia is committing war crimes and diplomatic efforts by the government of Ukraine to gain further support from allies.[vi]
Justice
Defined broadly, justice within a transitional justice framework seeks to break cycles of violence through accountability and re-establishing the rule of law. While justice is most often understood in terms of criminal prosecution, increasingly, international actors as well as victims and survivors are recognizing that truth-telling, restoring trust in state institutions, awarding reparations to those harmed and building strong societies are forms of justice in themselves. All these outcomes reduce the risk of future conflict as well as recognize and re-establish the rights of survivors and victims.
Peace and justice are in tension in many conflict-affected countries. In contexts including Afghanistan, Myanmar, South Sudan, Sri Lanka and Syria, conflict actors have remained close to power and have resisted pursuing justice, which could end the culture of impunity that protects them.[i] Those actors sometimes reignite conflict in order to derail efforts toward justice and peace. At the same time, the failure to achieve justice and end impunity diminishes the legitimacy of so-called peace” in the eyes of the general population.
Achieving justice for victims and survivors of conflict, particularly protracted conflicts, is a complex process. Some of the chapters in this report document the work by international, state and civil society actors to overcome these challenges, while others report on processes that have stalled or been obstructed. For instance, the government of South Sudan is still failing to take necessary steps, eight years after agreeing to establish a Hybrid Court with the African Union, to prosecute war crimes and other human rights violations.[ii] In Ethiopia, a peace agreement signed in November 2022 to end the Tigray conflict provides for “a comprehensive national transitional justice policy aimed at accountability, ascertaining the truth, redress for victims, reconciliation, and healing,” but as long as those who led the war remain in senior positions, such a process will face challenges.[iii] Even in Ukraine, where domestic prosecutions of Russian fighters began in May 2022 and there is significant political will for justice, tens of thousands of potential cases are still awaiting trial.[iv]
International courts and hybrid tribunals have taken some steps toward delivering justice, although international entities are largely focused on accountability rather than restorative or distributive justice. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is currently considering a genocide case against Myanmar, brought by the Republic of The Gambia under the Genocide Convention. The ICC, meanwhile, is investigating atrocities against the Rohingya in Myanmar, conducting war crimes and crimes against humanity investigations in Afghanistan and Ukraine and pursuing a warrant for former Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir’s role in the Darfur genocide.[v] Political obstacles and UN Security Council vetoes have prevented some actions, such as the ICC case against Syrian government authorities, but justice advocates have found other avenues of approach in some cases. In Syria’s case, Syrian and international advocacy pushed the UN General Assembly to establish the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to collect evidence of international atrocity crimes.[vi]
National criminal trials pursued through universal jurisdiction are an increasingly popular international approach to justice. Successful prosecutions have been made against a former Afghan prison official (in the Netherlands), a high-ranking Syrian official (in Germany) and a Gambian official (also in Germany).[vii] In November 2019, a Rohingya organization filed a lawsuit in Argentinian courts for genocide and crimes against humanity under the principle of universal jurisdiction, the first hearings for which were held in November 2021.[viii] While such trials are exemplary in seeking to advance truth through accountability processes even when the perpetrators prevent domestic justice mechanisms from acting, they are ultimately only feasible in a limited set of willing jurisdictions.
Even where political will exists to uncover the truth, hold perpetrators accountable and provide reparation to victims, justice processes are often highly incomplete. The conflict may have seriously damaged the justice system. Judicial personnel may have been forced to flee, courts may have ceased to operate or been destroyed, law enforcement’s legitimacy may have been compromised by its involvement in the conflict and armed groups may have prevented the legal system from operating in areas they control for extended periods. In these situations, alternative approaches to justice are even more important. The work of GIJTR civil society partners who have contributed to this report shows that, beyond the formal mechanisms of transitional justice, the process of truth-telling occurs in many other places and spaces. Informal civil society-led initiatives often bring communities together across the divide of a conflict. For local communities, victims and survivors, justice has a range of meanings extending beyond criminal prosecutions alone, and it is these informal processes that more communities turn to both complement formal processes and substitute for them when absent or insufficient.
Education
Education plays an essential role in both understanding the legacy of a conflict and shaping its impact on the future. While truth commissions can write what has been called a “first draft of history,”[1] education systems are the vehicle through which societies show a commitment to disseminating accurate, unbiased narratives of the past.[i] Post-conflict education advances peace when it reflects a diversity of perspectives. The promotion of critical thinking and debate can also help students resist versions of history that serve a single narrative.[2]
Conflicts frequently limit access to education by disrupting the very life of a society, displacing families and educators and destroying infrastructure, all of which restricts entire generations’ access to this basic human right. Increasingly, schools have also become targets in international and national conflicts, for both state and non-state armed groups. The war in Ukraine, for example, has interrupted the education of more than 5 million children.[ii] Thousands of educational institutions have been damaged and hundreds destroyed across Ukraine, while millions of children are displaced.[iii] Boko Haram has systematically attacked schools in Nigeria, while in the Central Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin, more than 11,000 schools are closed due to conflict or threats made against teachers and students.[iv] Further, the economic crisis that accompanies conflict reduces resources available for education and impacts families’ capacity to pay for it.
The degree to which educational narratives reflect the truth, and whose truth they reflect, can build the foundation for a peaceful, pluralistic future or inculcate narrow, divisive understanding of the past and present. In many conflict-affected countries, such as Sri Lanka, Sudan and Venezuela, official histories have been controlled and manipulated, including in school textbooks. Education has been explicitly weaponized in Ukraine, where Russian occupiers have forced educators in areas they control to use textbooks with narratives favorable to Russia. These efforts thwart any critical reflection on the legacies of the past or the creation of a more democratic notion of citizenship. Education may also be a form of cultural violence if educators and curricula erase the language, culture, contributions or experiences of marginalized groups, as is the case in Mexico, Myanmar, South Sudan and Sri Lanka.
Civil society can play an important role in supporting education for the most vulnerable, providing alternatives to formal curricula and advocating for truth- and justice-oriented approaches to teaching the history of a conflict. In Colombia, civil society initiatives and public-private partnerships have developed educational materials to help students learn about the work of Colombia’s truth commission. For Rohingya refugees, who have historically been denied their right to education, formal and informal educational centers have provided Rohingya children some stability and protection from daily threats, such as child labor, trafficking and neglect, in refugee camps.[v]
Recommendations
Given the linkages between memory, justice and conflict, the international community and human rights monitors should consider the repression of memory in particular contexts as an early warning indicator for atrocity crimes.
Both states and civil society should pursue memory work that engages with diverse perspectives on the impact and legacies of conflict, intentionally using memory work as a catalyst for dialogue about issues that have previously triggered violence.
State authorities and civil society actors designing justice mechanisms to address conflict-driven human rights violations should establish protocols—such as vetting of key actors or creating public forums to elect commissioners or other personnel—to insulate these mechanisms, as much as possible, from manipulation by political actors trying to protect their impunity.
In contexts where text books are banned or a revisionist history is presented in the school curriculum, civil society actors should create materials that promote critical engagement with the past to support educators and learners.
State and non-state actors engaging in education work should create materials to educate both young people and their parents about the past, since conflicts affect whole families and older generations may not have had access to truthful historical narratives.
During ongoing conflicts, state and non-state actors should advocate for holistic and integrated strategies that can sequence different elements of legal intervention, ensuring that urgent justice needs are addressed while accountability issues are not neglected.
Notes
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